Of Convoys and Road Journeys - Zualteii Poonte

 

It's late at night or in the very early hours of the morning that it happens. When the hubbub of the world is stilled, and all is silent as people rest tired bodies and lose themselves to dreams and deep slumber. It's not even something that I experience very often, being a sound sleeper. But once in a while, something awakens me and in the brief moments of wakefulness, I hear it. The distant rumble of a truck, the thrum of its engine or the long low honk of a truck horn as it wends its way along some road somewhere. Memories steal in, now mere fragments with the onslaught of time but vivid in their tenacity.

Long queues of trucks parked along a winding road in darkness. Military trucks, Bedford lorries, the odd jeep or two, an Assam State Transport bus¹ with its distinctive rhino symbol. As the trucks grind to a tired halt, my mind replays the sound I recall so well even these decades upon decades later – a sibilant hiss as compressed air from miles of driving over rough mountain terrain is released from the brakes. The handyman jumping smartly down from the elevated truck cabin to deftly place a wooden wedge against a rear wheel so the truck does not roll away. Passengers moving about quietly, stretching legs and backs after being cooped up inside the vehicles for hours, some making for nearby bushes in urgent answer to nature’s call.

Military escort parties then shepherded all vehicles moving around the territory laden with essential supplies and passengers, both military and civil. Convoy Commanders, usually young army captains, assigned to provide safe passage against insurgent ambushes, empowered to make stops and starts for the thirty to forty strong vehicle convoy and authorised to take any necessary action in the event of trouble.  With nighttime journeys obviously unthinkable, the convoy Commander would call for a night halt at day’s end and military personnel would unload provisions of water and rice bags and cook evening meals on kerosene stoves by the roadside. Most passengers carried their own tiffins, as they called them, while the army men would share their food with those with nothing to eat. Since I was a little too young to remember details, an older cousin with a sharper memory tells me that my grandmother would carry boiled eggs, potatoes and rice that she had laboriously prepared in advance to feed her little family enroute the long journey. Once the meals were eaten and cleared, passengers would get back to their respective vehicles for an uneasy, restless night’s sleep in cargo holds sheathed with thick waterproof tarpaulin. The next morning, after quick obligatory revisits to the nearby bushes, the truck engines would throb back to life and the convoy would be on the move once again. Another convoy traveller tells me that there was no washing of faces or brushing of teeth, unless there was a little stream nearby, no morning tea or meal, none of which particularly bothered poverty-hardened survivors of a famine which had directly caused the rambuai².

But it’s not just convoy memories that nocturnal motor sounds evoke. For years the only passage for Mizos to the rest of the world was via the Silchar³ route, now part of the Indian National Highway 54. A tortuously winding road snaking through the mountains with a steep fall on one side and cliff slopes overgrown with vegetation on the other, just barely wide enough for two heavy vehicles to pass each other. Landslides were common occurrences particularly during the rainy season, causing time-consuming delays and forcing travellers to sometimes spend several days in covering the slightly less than 200-kilometre distance between Aizawl and Silchar.

Having travelled up and down this highway several times in my early years, first for survival and refuge, and later for schooling in Shillong, Haflong⁴ and Darjeeling, I remember how fresh and bracing the mountain air felt especially when returning home from the scorching plains of Silchar. But the physical passage through it was often difficult and challenging. At times when the road was impassable due to landslides and rockfalls, travellers had to make do with spending nights either snatching naps in the buses, cars or jeeps, or taking grateful shelter in one of the little villages along the way, the inhabitants of which were used to unexpected overnight guests.

The shadow of rebel ambushes and attacks along travel routes persisted long after the rigid convoy travel restrictions for civilians were eased off. On one occasion, this time at the height of summer in June 1980, I was part of a college excursion tour visiting various cities in the country – Calcutta, Bombay (as they were then known) and Delhi where the first thing we did, after freshening up from the long train journey from Gauhati, was to visit Pu Laldenga, leader of the MNF, at the insistence of the boys in our tour party. He was then living in Delhi for peace negotiations with the Central Government, and as we all crowded into their sitting room, the boys hung on to his every word in hushed reverence as he spoke persuasively about politics in low, confidential tones, while most of the girls dozed off in exhaustion.

By the end of the tour, we finally headed home, piling onto our hired Mizoram State Transport Bus at Silchar, relieved to leave behind the heat of the plains and breathe in refreshing cool air. We happily sang songs (as Mizos tend to do when riding long distance in vehicles) – patriotic Mizo songs, Christian songs, and the bus sailed past the small border towns of Vairengte and Bilkhawthlir without incident. At the outskirts of the next town, Kolasib, we were stopped to be told that MNF rebels had ambushed an Indian Army bus, killing four and injuring others, literally minutes after we had driven past. One of the boys remarked that the rebels had probably already been in position, hiding and waiting in the bushes by the road, and seen and heard us singing as we moved past. It was an unsettling thought.

I recall that it was also on this occasion that the bus was stopped once more, this time because there had been an accident, of which there were regrettably many, given the treacherous terrain. A truck had driven off the road and a rescue effort was underway for the victims. As we got off the bus to stretch our legs, a team of rescue volunteers were just climbing out of the ravine with one of the bodies – a smallish figure, a woman we were told, slackened in death, and respectfully laid by the roadside, shrouded in a Mizo puan⁵. Mizos are reverential with their dead, with a “mitthi puan” traditionally brought by mourners to drape over the mortal remains of the departed soul by way of paying their last respects. In case of accidents in isolated places such as road accidents, at least one or two women who happen to be nearby quickly remove their puan to cover the body. Or when YMA⁶ rescue teams set out in search of missing persons, many volunteers carry along a puan in case the missing is found dead.

It's been many years since but I remember all too well the sound and feel of sitting in a vehicle lumbering along the mountain roads, swaying and lurching past kilometre after kilometre of thick jungles and little highway hamlets. The steady hum of the engine gently lulling passengers into exhausted sleep, woven into which were the frequent honks of the motor as it navigated the many twists and turns through the winding road, while manoeuvring past the many goods trucks coming from Silchar, heavy-laden with provisions for the Mizo populace.

In retrospect, I suppose having spent so much of my early life on those long road journeys, I will always retain a great deal of nostalgia for sights and sounds that remind me of those days, no matter how traumatic or exhausting. And nighttime sounds will continue to wake me from time to time, bringing in whispers of those long gone, long done, long ago yesterdays.

 

 

¹Assam State Transport: Mizoram was earlier part of the state of Assam and called the Mizo Hills District before becoming the Union Territory of Mizoram in 1972 and achieving full statehood in 1987

²rambuai - the Mizo Uprising/ Revolt (known as the buai or rambuai in Mizo) led by the Mizo National Front (MNF) which broke out on March the 6^th 1966 with a declaration of independence from the Indian government, a direct consequence of the Mautam famine of 1960 when the Indian govt. did little to help the Mizo people

³Silchar - a small town in Assam 

⁴Haflong – a small town and hill station in Assam

⁵puan – traditional attire for Mizo women, a sarong-like cloth wrapped around the waist and covering the legs

⁶YMA – Young Mizo Association, the largest secular, non-government group in the state

 

Funerals and Burials - Malsawmdawngliana and R. Lalsangpuii

In all societies, when a person dies, family, friends, and neighbours respond in structured, patterned ways to the death. Cultural guidelines determine the treatment and disposal of the body and prescribe a period of mourning for close relatives. Death ritual, like much of human behaviour, is an expression of a cultural blueprint, of attitudes, values and ideals passed down by parents, and their parents, which an individual learns as a member of society. The analysis of mortuary practices provides rich data on the behaviour of kin and community. It leads to people’s notions of gods, souls, witches, spirits and worlds, promising access to their belief and value systems, to their conceptions of the social and moral worlds. It informs that rituals have consequences for both the individual and society.

Death was feared and treated with seriousness in the pre-colonial Mizo society. Euphemisms were used to describe it, such as “zan khat mitchhin” (closing the eyes within a night) or “hnuk chat,” where “hnuk” refers to an imaginary cord and “chat” means snapping or breaking. When someone died, it affected and stirred the emotions of their family and the wider community, and was mourned with profound sorrow according to customary law.

In Mizo culture, when someone passed away, senior members of the family or tribe would wash the body. Then, the body was placed in a bamboo structure in a sitting position. A long red cotton cloth was wrapped around the chin through the top of the head of the deceased. Similarly, among the Maras in the south, the corpse was placed on a stretcher in a diagonal position against the wall. The body was then dressed in its best robes and decorated with the deceased’s beads and any other ornaments available. If the person had a plume, it was also placed in their hair. These were some of the traditions observed during mourning in these cultures.

 

T.H. Lewin had observed that:

“The corpse is then dressed in its finest clothes, and seated in the centre of the house in a sitting posture. On the right hand is laid the dead man’s gun and weapons; on the left side, the wife weeping. All the friends assemble and there is a big feast. Food is placed before the dead man, who sits upright and silent among them; and they dress him saying, ‘You are going on a long journey, eat.’”

 

After a person dies in Mizo culture, their body is dressed in their finest clothes and placed in a sitting posture, fastened to a bamboo frame. A big feast is prepared for friends and neighbours, and food and drinks are offered to the deceased. On the evening following the death, the body is buried just opposite the house. A wife must wrap her husband’s dead body with a pawndum or zawlpuan, which is traditionally obligatory for every girl to own. It is also customary for a wife to take such clothes to her husband’s house

Throughout history, collective mourning has been a part of the Mizo mourning process for the deceased. Gender roles were evident in the death rituals, as women, especially close relatives, would participate in collective wailing. It is also clear that funeral customs among the Mizos emphasized the importance of social relations based on kinship.

The clothing, dresses, material buried along the corpse and rituals like the firing of guns and striking of gongs frequently express values of identity and incorporation. All these rituals symbolized the deceased’s status and indicated his or her role in society. In the case of the death of a Pasal\ha (a notable warrior), the body was decorated with guns, fungki (a gunpowder horn) to indicate his identity as a warrior.  Death rituals were also greatly affected by the nature of how a person died, generally the deceased was dressed according to his status in the society. Accordingly, when a warrior died, he was dressed with all his appropriate armour and attire. Similar treatment is seen in the case of the death of the Thangchhuah pa and the chief.

Conversely, unusual deaths like sarthi (accidents), raicheh (death of a woman at childbirth) and hlamzuih (when a child dies shortly after birth) involved a few different rituals which were much less expensive. Sometimes, such deaths are buried without any ceremony or ritual.

Among the Mizos, if the mitthi vui ceremony couldn’t be held on the day of the person’s passing, it was customary to observe an overnight vigil with the deceased until morning. However, in the case of the death of a mi\ha (affluent family), the ceremony was extended according to convenience since it requires more preparation than ordinary families. There was no chanting known or connected with this ceremony, but it was evident that crying and weeping by close families, friends and natives was common on this occasion. Among the Mizos, crying and weeping indicated the deepest sorrow. Therefore, when death took place, the number of people who cried or wailed upon the deceased was a good indicator of the status of the deceased. The use of music while performing death rituals was also seen in the funeral procession, especially of the mi\ha (affluent) family, where Darkhuang (a large gong) and darbu (a set of three different-sized gongs) were played by a group of people. These musicians position themselves according to convenience, often within the house on the sumhmun (the verandah) and luhkapui (the platform in front of a Lushai house). While the aforementioned mourning ceremony unfolded inside the house, this group played gongs. It is likely that the songs sung while performing this ritual were “Kanlal lai”, “mitthirawpchawi”, and “nguntethi”.

In the past, the death of affluent persons in certain villages was marked with a distinct ceremony. Households in the village that owned guns would carry loaded guns to the deceased person’s house. Upon reaching the verandah of the house, they would discharge their guns, pointing towards the sky. This firing sound symbolises the death of the affluent person. There was hardly any ceremony for an ordinary family’s death, and the involvement of a priest was not known. However, for the affluent person’s funeral, the main ceremony was marked by the incorporation of Chawnglaizuan, which is a type of dance also known as Chawnglaizawn.

After the dance, the deceased’s body was placed on a hlang, which is a support designed to keep the corpse in an upright position. Then, the corpse was lifted and carried from the front of the house towards the grave. During this procession, the body was tossed up and down three times and accompanied by music played on a set of small gongs called darbu and a large gong called Darkhuang. People wept and cried as they slowly walked towards the grave.

Once the corpse was buried, old men and women would gather in the house of the deceased, each carrying their own zu (rice beer), lamenting in the form of songs that are best suited to arouse the sentiments of the bereaved. Songs like Khiangi nu zai, Darpawngi\ah zai, Lianchhiari zai and Chawngvunginu\ah zai were sung, which continued until bedtime.

In Mizo tradition, whenever a person died, it was customary to perform thlaichhiah, which involved sacrificing four-legged domesticated animals. Pigs and goats were commonly killed, but wealthier families also killed mithun. However, poorer families often had difficulty meeting the expenses associated with performing such rituals.

Among the Luseis and their related tribes, the day following the burial ceremony was observed as “Thlannghah.” On this day, relatives from nearby villages who couldn’t attend the burial would gather at the deceased’s house to show sympathy to the bereaved family members, known as “in ral”. Each person contributed their traditional rice beer, called “zu”, and spent the day drinking and singing traditional songs, called “khawhar zai”. By evening, a meal was prepared for those coming from other villages.

One of the most important feasts for the dead is the Mim Kut festival. It was held at the end of August or the beginning of September and was regarded as a festival in honour of the deceased. The village chief and elders fixed the date for celebrating the festival. Before the day of the festival, “zu” was fermented in every house, and all kinds of vegetables were brought from their “lo” (jhums) to their homes in advance. On the day of the festival, all village households stayed at home and regarded it as a day of rest. Men and women drank “zu” throughout the day, and offered the first fruits of their vegetables to their deceased relatives. They pounded glutinous rice, wrapped it in plantain leaves, and made Mizo bread or dumplings. Some were offered to children, and some to the dead. They believed that during the Mim Kut, the spirits of their departed relatives came home to eat the vegetables and dumplings and that the festival gave rise to tender feelings, sentiments, and renewed longing for their deceased loved ones.

The Mim Kut festival was celebrated for three days. The day after was a day of rest, and on the third day, the vegetables that had been offered to the spirits of the dead were collected, cooked and eaten by the living. During this festival, zu was served, and songs were sung. According to their belief, the spirits of the dead had now departed and returned to the land of the dead, so there was no need to continue offering food to them. This is why the month of August is traditionally known as Thi |in thla, the month when which the dead disperse from the land of the living.

The Lusei people have a strong belief in the constant presence of the spirits of their deceased ancestors, which requires them to propagate through ritual practices and sacrifices embedded in the sakhua worship. One of the primary feasts that honors the dead is Thangchhuah, also known as mit-thi-rawp-lam. During this festival, effigies of the deceased are created and placed on a bamboo stretcher. The oldest living clan member offers a zu to each effigy while uttering a charm. After attending to all the effigies, the individual breaks a gourd on the ground, bursts into tears, and retreats into their house for a month. The effigies are then paraded around the village, signifying a pleasing act to the spirit of the ancestors. This reflects the community’s belief in the influence of their ancestors’ spirits on their well-being.

 

Burials:
Most of the Mizo tribes bury their dead but they did not seem to have any designated burial place, and in some cases, the places of burial differ from tribe to tribe. But generally, burial customs were ubiquitous throughout the different Mizo tribes. There are different customs regarding the disposal of the dead body among the well-to-do families and the chief’s family. However, burial was common among the general masses, and the Mizo notion of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ deaths played a significant role in prescribing the kind of burial.  Even the modes of preparation of the grave were different, on the status of the deceased; accordingly, they prepared different types of graves for burying the dead bodies.

 

1. Tianhrang Thlan: It is a tradition when a youth or warrior dies that the grave is dug as deep as possible to show their respect and care for them. The bottom of the grave was made to slope instead of levelling the ground so that the deceased appeared to be standing in a slanting position as the grave known as Tianhrang Thlan. This type of burial was also found among the Lai of the Southern Hills.  When a great, prominent and highly favoured person in the village died, after digging the grave to a depth of a man’s chest, on the uphill side of the grave they would excavate a cave long and wide enough for the corpse in an inclined posture.

The body was laid according to the shape of the grave in a slanting position leaning against the wall of the grave.  The walls of the grave would be lined with stone slabs. They placed the corpse in the cavity at the top in a slanting manner. Lastly, they would cover the body with a huge slab of stone. This kind of grave was known as ‘Tian-hrangthlan’.

 

2. Khaukhurh: It is a common form of burying the dead bodies of ordinary people. The whole body was covered with a coarse bamboo matting (dap) around the body instead of clothes, a piece of wood was also used in some place. A hole about 5 feet deep was burrowed out on a wall for placing the corpse. When the burial takes place, they push the corpse head first into the hole and close it with a coarse bamboo mat. Finally, the grave was filled with earth.  Stones and wood were used as a lid to the hole where the corpse was placed. Generally, a flat stone was used to close the hole, but there is evidence that logs of wood were also used according to convenience.

3. Lungkuang: It is a grave prepared especially for chiefs as well as for other prominent persons. The term lungkuang means a grave made of stone. When after digging about 4 feet deep, a hole was made at one side of the grave wall preferably to the eastern side for putting the corpse. It is interesting to note that the floor and each wall of the hole were made of flat stones. Thus, after putting a corpse, the hole was closed with flat stone and then the grave was filled in with mud.

 

4. Kuang ur: The practice of Kuang ur was common among the Lusei and many other Non-Lusei tribes. In the case of the mi\ha (affluent) family kuang ur was common. Kuang means a coffin, a trough, a groove and ur means to smoke, fumigate, to heat or bake. This tradition was exclusively practised in the deaths of chiefs and a few mi\ha (affluent family in the society).

 

The dead body is placed in a box made by hollowing out a log, a slab of wood is placed over the opening, and their joint is plastered up with mud. This rough sort of coffin is placed in the deceased’s house near the wall. A bamboo tube is passed up through the floor through a hole in the bottom of the coffin and into the stomach of the corpse. The other end is buried in the ground. A special hearth is made close to the coffin and a fire is kept burning day and night on this for three months, and during the whole of this time the widow of the deceased, if he leaves one, must sit alongside the coffin. Over this hearth are hung valuables owned by the deceased. About six weeks after placing the corpse in the coffin, the latter is opened to see if the destruction of the corpse is proceeding properly and if necessary the coffin is turned round to present the other side to the fire. The opening of the coffin is celebrated by the killing of a pig and the partaking of the usual drink and is known either as enlawk or looking or examining. When it is thought that the flesh has completely rotted away, the coffin is opened and the bones removed. The skull and the larger bones are removed and kept in a basket, which is placed on a special shelf opposite the hearth. The remainder of the bones are collected and buried generally in a ware pot.

As stated above, the death of a chief was mourned with unique rituals distinct from those observed for ordinary persons in the village. Kuang ur demanded significant workforce for extended periods, accompanied by substantial expenses due to the continuous feasting of mourners until the final opening of the coffin. This practice was viewed as a tribute to the deceased chief, serving as a final act of glorification of the dead chief and a means to show his prominence in society.

 

Reference:

Malsawmliana, ‘Traditional Burial System of the Mizos,’ Historical Journal Mizoram. Vol.XIV,

Nov,2013.

Lalthangliana, B, Mizo Culture, Aizawl, The Author, 2014.

Lorrain, R.A, Five Years in Unknown Jungles, Aizawl Mizoram, Tribal Research Institute, 1988.

Lewin, T.H, The Hill Tracts of Chittagong and the Dwellers Therein, Reprint, New Delhi,

Tribal Research Institute, 2004.

Chaldailova, R, Mizo Pi Pute Khawvel, Aizawl, Vanlalnghaki, 2011.

Mizo te Khawsak Phung, Aizawl Mizoram, Tribal Research Institute, 1993.

Lianthanga, C, Hmanlai Mizo Nun, Aizawl, Mizoram Publication Board, 1999.

Lalthangliana, B, A brief History and Culture of  Mizo, Aizawl, The Author,2014.

Saiaithanga, Mizo Sakhua, Aizawl, Maranatha Printing Press.

A second extract from the excellent "Windows to the Past: Cultural Heritage of the Mizo" by Dr. Malsawmdawngliana and his wife, Dr. R. Lalsangpuii.  The book offers a comprehensive delineation of the Zo ethnic tribes' cultural heritage and traditions, including history, craft heritage and traditional practices – definitely a useful and invaluable handbook for anyone interested in researching Mizo cultural history. 

 

Traditional Songs, Music and Instruments - Malsawmdawngliana and R. Lalsangpuii

 

In the fields of musicology and cultural historiography, it is a widely acknowledged fact that each distinct culture possesses its unique musical expressions, often manifesting through traditional folk songs. These folk songs and musical traditions serve as profound reflections of the cultural ethos and worldview inherent to a particular society, underpinned by an interplay between cultural elements and the complex negotiation of identity within a given cultural milieu.

An attempt to trace the early origins of Mizo music has yielded evidence suggesting the emergence of certain musical forms during the settlement of Thantlang in Burma, estimated to have taken place between the 13th and 14th centuries AD. According to B. Lalthangliana’s records, this period witnessed the development of folk songs that encompassed various themes, including Dar hla (songs featuring gongs), Bawh hla (war chants), Hla do (chants associated with hunting), and Nauawih hla (cradle songs). It is worth noting that these early musical expressions primarily reflect individual experiences, lacking the philosophical depth or rational attitudes towards life often found in later forms of Mizo music (Lalthangliana 1993,76).

The Mizos eventually established themselves in what is now Mizoram during the late 17th century. The pre-colonial period, spanning the 18th and 19th centuries AD, marked a significant era in the history of Mizo folk literature and music (Thanmawia, 2024). Prior to the British annexation of the region, the Mizo community had inhabited the present-day Mizoram for two centuries, and during this time, their folk songs evolved in terms of quantity, form, and content. These songs exhibited a higher degree of linguistic refinement and musical sophistication. Furthermore, many songs from this period bore the names of their composers, underscoring the development of individual authorship in Mizo music.

8.1 Traditional Songs:

The Mizos have traditionally classified their folk songs using an indigenous system that encompasses approximately one hundred distinct song types (Lalruanga, 1984). However, according to RL Thanmawia these songs can be broadly categorised into ten primary classifications:

8.1.1 Bawh Hla:

This category includes chants or cries uttered by warriors upon their return from successful raids. The purpose of chanting Bawh Hla was to assert their dominance over the enemy and inform their community of the successful raid. Only the warrior responsible for killing the enemy had the privilege of chanting Bawh Hla.

8.1.2 Hlado:

Chants or cries raised by hunters to celebrate successful hunting expeditions. Hlado chants could occur on the spot, on the journey home, before entering the village, or during celebratory gatherings. Anyone who witnessed a successful hunt could participate in chanting Hlado.

8.1.3 Thiam hla & Dawi hla (Invocation & Incantation):

These verse forms were reserved for use by priests and witches during ceremonial rituals.

8.1.4 Dar Hla:

These songs were instrumental in nature, and intended for musical instruments rather than human voices. Dar hla, meaning ‘song for the gong,’ represents the most prominent category within this classification, featuring songs associated with various instruments, with the gong being the most popular. These songs typically consisted of three musical notes.

8.1.5 Puipun Hla:

These songs were inspired by merry and festive occasions and were particularly popular among the Mizo people. They were often sung in conjunction with dancing during festive events.

8.1.6 Lengzem Zai:

Love songs, named after the theme of love. These songs lacked a distinctive form but were categorised based on their thematic content.

8.1.7 Songs named after Tribes:

Some song forms were named after specific tribes, such as Sailo zai and Saivate zai.

8.1.8 Songs named after Villages:

A subset of songs bore the names of villages, like Lumtui zai and Dar lung zai.

8.1.9 Songs named after modulation of the voice:

These songs were named based on the modulation of voice or sound, exemplified by names like Kawrnu zai, Zai nem, Vai zawi zai, and Puma zai. For instance, Kawrnu zai was named after the gentle and low voice of a cicada known as Kawrnu.

 8.1.10 Songs named after individuals:

A significant portion of Mizo folk songs bore the names of individuals, often referencing both the original composer and the melodic tunes. Some songs were named after beautiful women or tribal heroes. The first six categories primarily featured individual expressions, while the remaining four were meant for group singing. Although some songs could be sung individually, the essence of Mizo folk music typically lay in collective performances accompanied by music.

The major themes prevalent in Mizo folk songs include war, hunting, love, nature, and patriotism. Love songs occupied a central place in Mizo folk music, reflecting the natural affinity of the Mizo people with the elements of nature. These songs often employed symbolism through birds and animals as messengers of love. Likewise, hunting songs celebrated the role of successful hunters, referred to as “Pasaltha,” who were highly esteemed in Mizo society. These songs revealed the social and domestic implications of hunting.

War chants and songs were significant due to the frequent conflicts the Mizo people faced, either in battles with neighbouring tribes or inter-village warfare. A unique practice in Mizo warfare was the trampling of the enemy’s dead body, symbolizing the conqueror’s victory. The chanting of war-chants, such as “Bawh hla,” served to dispel fear related to the enemy’s soul, ensuring its safe and peaceful passage to the afterlife (Zawla 2011, 82).

Patriotism was evident in songs named after villages, where individuals expressed their deep affection for their native places and emphasized their might and other positive attributes. Such songs aimed to boost the morale of warriors and discourage potential raids by other villages.

An essential characteristic of Mizo folk songs was their self-sufficiency within each stanza or musical couplet. Each couplet or triplet conveyed its own message, reflecting a typical structure found in folk songs. Mizo traditional music was closely associated with dance and drama, serving as an integral part of their cultural expressions.

8.2 Traditional Music Instruments:

Throughout their history, the Mizo people have utilized a diverse array of musical instruments. These instruments, however, present challenges when attempting to trace their precise origins. It is suggested that during the late 10th to 13th centuries AD, while residing in the Kabaw Valley, the Mizo community developed a musical tradition that laid the foundation for their contemporary practices (Lalthangliana 1997, 71). These traditional Mizo musical instruments exhibit simplicity and rudimentary characteristics compared to other Indian musical instruments, representing a departure from modern musical equipment. RL Thanmawia categorized the musical instruments of the Mizos into three primary groups: Striking Instruments, Wind Instruments, and String Instruments.

 

8.2.1 Striking Instruments

These instruments are predominantly used during festivals and dances. Notable examples include various types of Khuang and Dar, along with instruments like Bengbung, Seki, and Talhkhuang.

- Khuang (Drum): Khuang instruments, crafted from hollow tree trunks covered with animal skin, hold a significant role in Mizo social and religious life. They are categorized by size and length, such as Khuangpui (Big drum), Khuanglai (Middle-sized drum), and Khuangte (Little drum).

- Dar (Gong): Brass gongs are another prominent category of Mizo musical instruments. They come in various sizes and sets, examples include Darkhuang, Darbu, and Darmang.

- Bengbung: This instrument, reminiscent of a xylophone, features flat wooden bars that produce musical notes. It is typically played by girls during leisure.

- Talhkhuang: Similar in construction to Bengbung but larger, this instrument comprises curved wooden pieces of varying depths, producing different notes when struck with a wooden hammer. Talhkhuang is used for specific occasions, such as during the erection of memorial stones.

- Seki: Seki involves beating the hollow horns of domesticated mithun cattle to provide timing cues during traditional group dances.

8.2.2 Wind Instruments

Mizo culture features six types of wind instruments which are - Rawchhem, Tumphit, Mautawtawrawt, Phenglawng, Buhchangkuang, and Hnahtum.

- Rawchhem: Resembling a bagpipe or sheng, Rawchhem features nine small bamboo pipes or reeds inserted into a dried gourd. Musicians control sound production through finger placement while blowing into the mouthpiece.

- Tumphit: Tumphit consists of three bamboo tubes of different sizes and lengths tied together. Musicians blow into the open ends to produce notes based on tube length.

- Mautawtawrawt: This bamboo trumpet comprises various bamboo tubes of different sizes joined together. Musicians blow into one end to produce distinct musical notes.

- Phenglawng: A bamboo flute, Phenglawng initially had three holes producing three distinct sounds, similar to flutes used in other Indian musical traditions.

- Buhchangkuang: Another type of bamboo flute, constructed from reeds or paddy stalks, was primarily played by girls.

- Hnahtum: Mizo boys fashioned simple indigenous musical instruments from various tree leaves, creating unique sounds by blowing on folded leaves.

8.2.3 Stringed Instruments

The Mizo musical tradition includes three types of stringed instruments: |ing\ang, Lemlawi, and Tuiumdar.

- Tingtang: Resembling a fiddle or violin, tingtang features a single string and a bamboo shaft fixed in a hollow gourd. The string is made from Thangtung, the fiber of the Malay Sago palm, and the gourd is covered with a dry animal bladder.

- Lemlawi: Although belonging to the Jew’s harp family, Lemlawi differs in shape and size. It is constructed from small bamboo pieces and produces sound when manipulated in the mouth.

- Tuiumdar: Crafted from bamboo, Tuiumdar features three strings, each producing distinct notes. Musicians play it similarly to a guitar.

In summary, the traditional Mizo music and the associated array of musical instruments serve as invaluable repositories of cultural heritage and historical narratives within the Mizo community. Over the course of centuries, these musical expressions have undergone gradual transformations, encapsulating a range of thematic motifs encompassing love, warfare, nature, and patriotism. The multifaceted nature of Mizo music, spanning from vocal chants to intricate instrumental compositions, extends its influence beyond mere entertainment, permeating into the realms of rituals, communal celebrations, and assertions of cultural identity.

Despite the ostensibly uncomplicated and rudimentary designs characterizing traditional Mizo musical instruments, their cultural significance remains profound. These instruments, spanning striking percussion devices like drums and gongs, wind instruments exemplified by the Rawchhem, and stringed instruments typified by the tingtang, each occupy a distinctive niche in Mizo society and historical context. Even amidst the introduction of contemporary musical elements driven by modern influences, these traditional instruments continue to command a unique and cherished role within the hearts of the Mizo populace.

From a broader perspective, the enduring presence of Mizo music and its associated instruments attests to the indomitable spirit of a community deeply entrenched in its cultural lineage. This cultural dynamism manifests as a harmonious amalgamation of tradition and adaptation, reflecting the ever-evolving tapestry of their cultural identity. The enduring legacy of Mizo music and its instruments resonates as a living testament to the Mizo people’s commitment to preserving and celebrating their rich heritage, thus ensuring its perpetuation for generations to come.

 Reference:

Lalthangliana, B. History of Mizo in Burma. Aizawl: Zawlbuk Agencies. 1997.

B.Thangliana, Mizo Literature, 1993  P.76

Lalruanga. A Study on Mizo Folk Literature, Unpublished Thesis, Gauhati University. 1984.

Lianhmingthanga. Material Culture of the Mizo, 1998.

Thanmawia, RL. Heritage of Mizo Traditional Music. https://mizoram.nic.in/about/music1.htm accessed on 27th Jan 2024

Zawla, K. Mizo Pi Pute Leh An Thlahte Chanchin. first Published in 1964. Aizawl: Lalnipuii at Lengchhawn Press, 2011.

 

Dr. Malsawmdawngliana and his wife, Dr. R. Lalsangpuii collaborated on the excellent "Windows to the Past: Cultural Heritage of the Mizo" recently published by South-Eastern Book Agencies, from which this chapter is extracted. The book offers a comprehensive delineation of the Zo ethnic tribes' cultural heritage and traditions, including history, craft heritage and traditional practices. I have little doubt the book will prove to be be a useful and invaluable handbook for anyone interested in researching Mizo cultural history. 
I also express deep appreciation to the authors for allowing me to publish this extract here.